This interview is a part of a collection of interviews with lecturers and practitioners at an early stage of their profession. The interviews talk about present analysis and initiatives, in addition to recommendation for different early profession students.
Jessica Cheung is a PhD candidate at the Freie Universität in Berlin. Previous to commencing her PhD, Jessica accomplished an LLB on the College of Hong Kong and an MSc on the London Faculty of Economics. Jessica’s analysis pursuits embody essential feminist principle, gender research, intersectionality, essential race principle and decolonial research. Presently, Jessica’s analysis focuses on the strategic perform of feminist overseas coverage adoption, and the manufacturing of “feminist states” by means of “othering”.
What (or who) prompted essentially the most important shifts in your considering or inspired you to pursue your space of analysis?
This can be a tough query to reply as I’ve been impressed and motivated by so many alternative conditions, people and communities. My experiences working with UN Girls in Beijing prompted my analysis into feminist overseas coverage. Throughout my time on the UN, I labored collaboratively with quite a few overseas embassies in Beijing on gender equality initiatives inside China. A big proportion of my time was dedicated to working with the Swedish, Norwegian, and Finnish embassies on completely different academic and outreach campaigns. Witnessing how sure feminist beliefs performed out in follow peaked my curiosity within the politics behind the manufacturing of “feminist states” and “feminist overseas insurance policies”.
Previous to my time at UN Girls, I used to be extra fascinated about partaking with cultural and sociological research of gender illustration, nevertheless, the transition in direction of a extra political science-informed strategy has allowed me to analyze the notion of gender from an interdisciplinary perspective. Moreover, endeavor an MSc on the London Faculty of Economics (LSE) was extraordinarily influential in shaping me as a researcher. Learning at LSE, particularly on the Gender Institute (now the Gender Division), offered me with the analytical abilities, theoretical framework, neighborhood and area to “undo” the normative methods of “understanding” which have restricted my voice, id and politics.
I’m additionally extremely impressed by my supervisory workforce (Prof. Lora Anne Viola on the Freie Universität Berlin, Prof. Annika Bergman Rosamond at Lund College and Dr Julie Sunday at International Affairs Canada) who’ve remained a relentless supply of data, assist and encouragement all through the PhD course of. Lastly, experiencing life because the “Different”, in predominately “white” areas, has made me aware of the intersectional types of discrimination that construction, disenfranchise and limit particular person and collective motion. Discovering methods to withstand this violence by means of my analysis has offered me with a renewed sense of hope for what the longer term can maintain.
Your doctoral analysis explores the strategic adoption of the label ‘feminism’ in relation to overseas coverage. What political work does this adoption do?
My analysis questions the perform of a feminist label in advancing a rustic’s politics and political id. A key distinction made by means of my analysis pertains to the strategic adoption of a feminist label, specifically, the politics underlying a rustic’s resolution to undertake an express feminist overseas coverage. That is thought-about in relation to main gender equality nations that possess substantively related gender-informed approaches to overseas coverage, but choose out of an express “feminist” label. By highlighting this distinction, or substantive lack thereof, I tease out the nuanced strategic political motion(s) which can be being mobilised and instrumentalised by means of the inclusion and omission of “feminist” overseas insurance policies.
Provided that my work adopts a extra essential strategy in direction of understanding feminist overseas insurance policies as a bigger political and socio-cultural phenomenon, my analysis highlights the embedded international hierarchies which can be perpetuated by means of the proliferation of feminist overseas insurance policies. What I’m alluding to listed here are the Western colonial logics of the liberal worldwide order that successfully “different”, subordinate and marginalise “growing” nations, the “International South” and the Islamic world. Eurocentric impositions of gender equality requirements, regardless of representing some extent of reform and progress, perform to legitimise the prevalence and progressiveness of liberal Western nations. Consequently, feminist overseas insurance policies can’t be considered as current inside an influence vacuum, moderately, they’re implicit within the re-production of normalised regimes of energy.
International locations which have adopted an express feminist overseas coverage (Sweden, Canada and Mexico) have constructed their very own working feminist overseas coverage fashions. Regardless of falling beneath this bigger class of “feminist overseas coverage” and current referentially, nations with a feminist overseas coverage should not grounded in, or by, a universalising normal or set of pointers as within the case of the Girls, Peace and Safety agenda and UNSCR 1325. Consequently, this freedom to find out what’s consultant and actionable as a feminist overseas coverage has allowed nations reminiscent of Sweden and Canada to outline “feminism” as a state follow. What has resulted from this political mobilisation is the strategic use of feminism as a supply of soppy energy, political capital and web site of gender de-politicisation. This studying of feminist overseas insurance policies mimics the critiques made throughout the fields of women, peace and security and gender and development. Consequently, the identical problematic approaches are being re-enacted albeit by means of a special coverage body.
As a political software, feminist overseas insurance policies additionally work to generate “feminist nations” whereby a dedication to gender equality features as a supply of nationwide id. This in flip acts as a political sign demonstrating a nation’s progressiveness and superiority over different nations. We will witness this working at a world stage (e.g. Sweden and Saudi Arabia) and likewise inside regional contexts (e.g. Canada and the U.S.). Nevertheless, the manufacturing of feminist states and accompanying practices of “gender washing” masks the violent discourse being produced by means of the dissemination of Western institutional practices of “equality”. Consistent with the work carried out on homonationalism, femonationalism, and extra just lately feminist foreign policies, feminism as a supply of self-identification re-frames the exceptionalism of “good” feminist nations by re-directing the issue exterior nationwide borders.
Sweden and Canada each self-identify as caring and moral states in and thru their feminist overseas insurance policies. But each states have did not ‘care’ for the indigenous communities that they’ve colonised. What tensions exist between Swedish and Canadian feminist overseas insurance policies and indigenous injustices?
A big a part of this rigidity hinges on the cognitive distinction drawn between “home” and “overseas” coverage. By the follow of feminist overseas insurance policies, points regarding gender have been externalised and constructed as “overseas points”. This enables nations to keep up a wilful ignorance as to the continuing intersectional inequalities occurring inside their very own borders. On this sense, “gender inequality” has turn into de-politicised domestically by drawing consideration outwards. Therefore, the identical colonial logics that created Sweden and Canada are being re-framed by means of the patriarchal re-production of Western civilizational discourse.
The boundaries of Swedish and Canadian solidarity might be witnessed by means of the state’s therapy of indigenous communities. Sweden and Canada show a disturbing lack of knowledge and accountability for the colonial histories which have formed current insurance policies and attitudes in direction of indigenous communities. Violence by means of state motion and inaction is manifold, from Sweden’s mining and extraction pursuits in Sápmi to the genocide of indigenous women in Canada, the notion of a feminist consciousness is domestically absent. However, within the face of this ongoing historic injustice Sweden and Canada proceed to wave their feminist flags.
Along with Stefanie Boulila and Orsolya Lehotai, you might have performed a study on challenges encountered by early profession researchers in European gender and ladies’s research. What are essentially the most prevalent challenges, and what assist is required to enhance the state of affairs?
The principle challenges recognized within the research associated to job insecurity and an absence of total assist. This was linked to the epistemic disadvantages related to being a “gender” researcher exterior the norms of mainstream educational analysis. What was revealed by means of the research was the importance of mentorship and supervisor relationships, in addition to research-related assist networks. Supervisors and mentors had been highlighted as a powerful supply of assist as they possessed essentially the most potential to supply sensible and emotional steerage in relation to navigating the difficulties related to being an early profession researcher. Individuals additionally recognized the necessity for alternatives to attach with a neighborhood of like-minded people, obtain peer-to-peer assist and to realize coaching in duties reminiscent of grant writing and job functions.
What are you at present engaged on?
In the mean time I’m writing an article with Prof. Annika Bergman Rosamond (Lund College) and fellow PhD candidate Georgia De Leeuw (Lund College) on the stress that we mentioned earlier, between feminist overseas coverage and indigenous injustice throughout the context of Sweden and Canada. I’m additionally engaged on publishing a journal article that heuristically organises feminist overseas insurance policies in keeping with a typology. This publication is a piece in progress and one thing I hope to publish by the center of 2022. Exterior of educational writing, I’m collaborating with the members at Younger WILPF (Girls’s Worldwide League of Peace and Freedom) Germany to assemble a set of pointers and a toolkit on how feminist overseas coverage might be integrated into current overseas coverage agendas. This publication can also be being produced in collaboration with the Heinrich Böll Stiftung in Germany. The outcomes might be formally introduced by means of a Webinar on the finish of 2021.
What’s a very powerful recommendation you might give to younger students?
There can be three items of recommendation that I might supply younger students. The primary is to by no means underestimate the worth of neighborhood. Academia is a really solitary pursuit: you spend a whole lot of time alone. Nevertheless, there are moments of hope generated by means of collaboration the place the “loneliness” of the work turns into a gateway to interacting with like-minded people. The second piece of recommendation I might give is to all the time be essential: “undoing” what’s “identified” because the “reality”, and questioning the place your information comes from will fully alter your lived actuality. This is not going to solely help you in navigating the tutorial world but additionally the social buildings which stratify you. Lastly, I might encourage feminist researchers to embrace the discomfort of being a “feminist killjoy” – our mere presence is an act of resistance, not to mention the content material of what we’ve to say.
Additional Studying on E-Worldwide Relations